Factors driving Caribbean rebellions

The Notting Hill Riots of 1958 compounded by the riots against the SUS law in 1981; and the rebellion against the shooting of Mrs Cherry Groce by the police in her home in Brixton, remain the chosen methodology for resisting the excesses of authority.  People of African Heritage from the Caribbean who are still numbed by the carnage of five hundred years of the holocaust od slavery refused to be brutalised by persistent bigotry.  We are aware of history of rebellions in Trinidad, especially in 1838, to formally bring the savery and brutality of slavery to an end.  We who were previously enslaved, wanted land on which to grow food, as compensation for their enslavement. Queen Victoria is reported to having said, "No land! Let them eat their freedom!" Driven by hunger, and the quest for revenge for the centuries of Christian tyrany, our forebearers rebelled. 

Trinidad: The 1830s represented a major water shed in Trinidad's history. The British Parliament passed an Act abolishing slavery, effective August 1, 1834 - much to the dismay of the planters, whose vast sugar and cocoa estates depended on slave labour. To lessen the shock, the British Government decreed that after this date, the ex-slaves would still be obligated to serve a period of "apprenticeship" under their former owners: four years for domestic slaves and six years for field labourers.

The enslaved were less than ecstatic at this false freedom; and Emancipation Day brought mass protests and demonstrations. Finally, on August 1, 1838, having bowed under pressure to free all classes of slaves at the same time, the Governor of the island Sir George Fitzgerald Hill (1833-1839) proclaimed the general emancipation.
 
During the years of the 'apprenticeship' the British Government began plotting to teach the Africans a lesson in displacement.  The island's Council of Government, which was made up largely of planters, appointed an Agent for Immigration to find an alternative source of feild labour. Various ethnic groups were tried: Portuguese, free Africans from Africa and America, Madeirans - with little success.

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The Contract

In 1836, the first Indians arrived in British Guiana. Under a scheme ordered by Lord Stanley, Secretary of State for the Colonies, a civil contract between Britain and Indian workers was drawn up for an initial period of five years. In the early phase, Indians were treated as inhumanely as the enslaved Africans had been. They were confined to their estates and paid the pitiful sum of 1 shilling per day. Any breach of contract brought automatic criminal penalties of two months' imprisonment or a fine of £5.

In 1838 a special magistrate, Charles Anderson, wrote to the Colonial Secretary declaring that 'with few exceptions they [the Indians] are treated with great and unjust severity, by overwork and by personal chastisement'. Plantation owners enforced the regulations so harshly that, according to historian Hugh Tinker, 'the decaying remains of immigrants were frequently discovered in cane fields...'. If labourers did not work, they were not paid or fed: they simply starved. Importing contract labour from India was suspended in 1840.

The Slavers in Trinidad turned to Asia. The first batch of 213 indentured labourers from India arrived aboard the Fatel Rozack on May 30, 1845. By 1848, their numbers had increased to more than 5,000. These workers proved satisfactory; and by the time the Indian government finally banned emigration to Trinidad in 1917, the number of indentured workers had risen to more than 145,000. Today, East Indians constitute about 48 per cent of the total population, almost exactly the same as Africans. The Asians are not inclined to integrate. They acrued wealth because they were paid as indentures and use d their money to create businesses.  Africans were not paid.  They were forced to occupy parcels of land to create kitchen gardens to grow food to feed themseklves.

Another group that found their way to Trinidad during these years was the Chinese, who were brought in between 1848 and 1852, when there was a temporary halt in Indian immigration. The Chinese were not a great success in the cane fields; the slavers - the plantation owners found them rebellious and troublesome. They soon moved away from the plantations to open small businesses of their own, forming a close-knit little community of sharp-witted entrepreneurs. Chinese immigration ended in 1866, by which time Indian immigration had resumed in full force.

The middle of the 19th century saw the gradual awakening of a certain social consciousness. The African population was becoming increasingly aware of their own powerlessness under a colonial system. Trinidad was denied the right to a locally elected House of Assembly. Africans in Trinidad demanded reforms. In 1888 the Colonial Office in London appointed a Commission to investigate the demand for an elected House of Representatives. It was not until 1925 that the first, extremely restricted, election was held. The model was replicated in Guyana; and in both Trindad and Guyana there are uneasy truces between the peoples of African and Indian Heritage.

In 1889, Trinidad unexpectedly found itself saddled with a dependent Tobago, when the Colonial Office decided that Tobago (whose sugar-based economy had collapsed in 1884) could no longer stand on its own. The Colonial Office annexed the little island to its larger neighbour; thus beginning of the bonded state of Trinidad and Tobago.
 
The 20th century began in turmoil. The Water Riots of 1903, caused by the government's attempts to impose new taxes on water, ended with the burning of the Red House, the seat of government. 

The discovery of  Oil in south Trinidad offered great opportunities for the development of a population who was trying lay the past of slavery to rest. The first oilwell, the first in the world, was drilled in 1857, but the industry did not progress to a position of trading  until 1910, when Trinidad exported 125,000 barrels- of crude oil. Between 1923/24, oil exports exceeded those of sugar and cocoa combined; and by 1936, Trinidad was the leading oil producer in the British Empire.

In 1933 and 1934 there was labour unrest in Trinidad. On 19 June 1933 a hunger march took place in the capital Port of Spain, organised by the National Unemployed Movement. The demonstrators demanded relief work for the unemployed and the restoration of rent controls which had been abandoned. The same group organised a similar, but larger march of some 400 to 500 in the following year.
 
On 6 July 1934 about 800 sugar workers from the Brechin Castle and Esperanza plantations demonstrated in front of the warden's office at Couva, complaining about unemployment. Violence erupted when the police attempted to keep the demonstrators away from the business and commercial area. There was looting and twelve persons were arrested. On Esperanza, the Head Overseer was attacked and injured. At Caroni Estates an overseer was injured and the offices of the company were stoned and set on fire. Similar incidents occurred on other plantations.
 
The legislature, consisting of the Governor presiding over 12 officials, 6 persons nominated by the Governor and only six members elected on a restricted franchise. Alarmed by the demonstrations, the Governor appointed a commission of enquiry. In 1935 the Government also set up a Wages Advisory Board. One of the members appointed on this Board was Captain Arthur Cipriani, President of the Trinidad Labour Party.

However, the country's focus on oil led to the neglect of agriculture and manufacturing. Similarly, the emphasis on oil also led the creation of a new class of industrial worker who formed the backbone of the trade union movement. The oilfield riots of 1937, together with the militant nationalism persuaded the British government to allow the island  to have its own elected representation.

The advent of the Second World War led to the postponement of the elected representation.  However, the post-war Labour government in Britain agreed to the first half and half adult suffrage election was held in Trinidad and Tobago in 1946. By half and half, I mean that only half of the seats were put up for election, the other half being nominated by the governor or reserved for senior civil servants.  That was the first tentative step along the road to the country's independence in 1962.

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Belize: There were early evidence of the growing unrest in Belize, Guyana and Jamaica. In Belize in February 1934  hunger caused a group calling themselves the "Unemployed Brigade" to march on the capital. Appointed leaders met the Governor. They complained to the Governor that their families were starving because the men could not get work."

The Governor's approach to the crisis was to instruct the unemployed to register at the Belize Town Board. The deputation  wanted a cash dole of $1.00 per day. However, over 1,100 men and 300 women chose to register.  Antonio Soberanis Gomez, a barber by trade voiced his dissatisfaction at a public meeting.  He denounced the leaders of the Unemployed Brigade as being insufficiently militant. As a result of his emerging popularity, he organised a petition demanding that the Government find work for the unemployed at $1.50 per day. In August 1934 he led a protest march of about 3,000. In September he organised a strike of stevedores in Stan Creek, the second largest town, and won an increase of pay from 8 cents to 25 cents per hour.

Guyana: In Guyana, the workers went on strike at the Leonora Plantation on West Coast, Demerara in September 1934; Uitflugt Plantation, and Booker Brothers plantations - De Kinderen and Tuschen. In September 1935, another strike occurred on Leonora Plantation in support of a demand that wages, which had been reduced by one penny in the shilling in 1930, be restored. Similarly in 1935 other strikes were organised at Vryheids Lust, La Bonne Intention, Enmore, Lusignan, Ogle and Farm Plantations.

Jamaica: On 13 May 1935 a strike by workers loading bananas at Oracabessa in St. Mary, Jamaica, developed into a riot. The workers cut the power lines and  blocked the roads to prevent strike breakers from being brought in.  On 21 May, a strike of port workers in the town of Falmouth in Trelawny developed into a riot when the use of strike breakers was threatened. One worker was shot and killed by police. In Kingston, in that same month, banana loaders in the port went on strike and organised a march. On the second day of the strike the police opened fire on the crowd, wounding a woman.

In May 1936, the Jamaica Workers and Tradesmens Union was launched.  A G S Coombs was President and Hugh Clifford Buchanan as Secretary. Coombs, an ex-soldier and policeman, described himself as "a peasant of low birth, very limited education and a very poor man".

St. Kitts:  On 28 January 1935 cane cutters refused to start reaping the new sugar cane crop on the Shadwell plantation, on the outskirts of Basseterre. The employers had offered work at 16 cents per ton, a rate which the workers had been forced to accept. News of their refusal led to workers on adjoining plantations going on strike.  A new spirit of determination to fight for their rights spread throughout the island.  In the few places where harvesting of sugarcanes had begun, the strikers persuaded the workers to join the strike. A general strike of sugar workers developed.

Workers at the island's sugar factory also came out on strike, demanding a wage increase. Their wages had been reduced by one penny in the shilling in 1930 and subsequently by a further one penny. On 29 January some 200 to 300 workers, some armed with sticks, entered Buckley's plantation demanding the restoration of their lost wage. Stones were thrown, and the white manager responded by firing his gun into the crowd. He injured several several workers. Armed police arrived under the command of a former British Army major.  The workers refused to obey his order to disperse.  They demanded that the manager who had shot and wounded the strikers must be arrested.

A contingent from the local military force arrived at Buckleys to confront a crowd of about five hundred. The Riot Act was read and the military fired into the crowd. Two labourers and the factory watchman were killed and eight others were wounded. Next day, the British sent a warship with marines to confront the strikers. The marines in diucated that the white manager was right to shoot to wound the strikers.  The marines added to the chaos by shooting and killing six people. The abolition of slavery had not changed the authority of white people over Africans. It was still legal for a white slaver to shoot an African for refusing to obey an instruction. Of those who were not shot thirty-nine strikers were arrested and six were sentenced to terms of imprisonment from two to five years.

St. Vincent: In October 1935 the Governor of the Windward Islands arrived in St Vincent to preside over a Legislative Council  meeting. On 15 October the Governor, increased customs duties on a number of items of popular consumption. It was the Governor's intent to increase high local tariff  to consumers on sugar, to enhance the sugar slavers' income. On the morning of 21 October a crowd gathered in Kingstown, the capital, in front of the shop of the popular Town Councillor, George McIntosh. They wanted him to inform the Governor that they were opposed to the increases in duty, their lack of employment and general poverty.

McIntosh informed the crowd that the Governor had agreed to receive him at 5 p.m.  The cowd was suspicious about the information reported, because it was customary for the Governor to leave the island at 4pm. There was an angry demonstration outside the Court House where the Council was meeting. Windows of the Court House were smashed and motor cars of some officials were damaged to shouts of "We have no work. We are hungry". The Governor adjourned the Council's session. As he and other officials left the Council Chamber, the Governor and the Attorney General were pushed and struck for imposing new tax measures. In the ensuing riot, a crowd broke into the prison and released the ten prisoners.

Armed police read the Riot Act, then fired on the crowd. One person was killed and several were injured. News of the police killing a protestor led to widspread riots in Georgetown to the south, and Chateaubelair to the north. Telephone wires were cut and several bridges were destroyed. Military "Volunteers" were brought in from islands. Armed police and Volunteers were posted to guard the cable and wireless station and the electricity plant.  Once again the British sent in a war ship on 21 October and on 22 October 1935, and a state of emergency was declared. 

The police met particularly strong resistance at Byera's Hill, Campden Park and Stubbs, where demands for land and for higher wages were heard. The state of emergency continued for three weeks. The main agitators of the strike, Sheriff Lewis and Bertha Mutt, popularly known as "Selassie"  and "Mother Selassie" respectively, reminded the strikers to defend their rights because white nations like Italy took it as their right to invade independent nations like Ethopia, an African Kingdom.   On 23 November George McIntosh, the leader of the workers, was arrested on a charge of treason, although he had tried to restore calm during the disturbance. The case against him collapsed at the preliminary examination before the Magistrate.

St. Lucia: In1935, there was a strike of coal loaders in St Lucia. As a consequence of the lessons of St Kitts and St Vincent, the Governor mobilised the local military force and called upon the British Government for reinforcements. A warship was quickly dispatched to St Lucia. For several days and nights marines patrolled the streets of the capital Castries and some rural areas. At night the ship's searchlights illuminated the city. As a consequence of this massive show of force, the strikers returned to work, to await the report of an official commission of inquiry set up to consider their claims for wage increases. The Commisioners used the threat of the military might to suppress and reject all their demands for wage increases.

Barbados: Clement Payne, who was born to Barbadian parents in Trinidad, returned to Barbados in March 1937. He agitated and expressed his intention to form a trade union to advocate for better working conditions. He had made arrangements to rent a hall on    1 May to celebrate international labour day, but when the proprietor discovered his purpose the arrangement was cancelled. Payne's meetings attracted large crowds of workers. The following persons F A Chase, Olrick Grant, Mortimer Skeete, Israel Lovell and Darnley Alleyne assisted Payne with his plan to launch a trade union.
 
On entering the island, Payne had declared that he had been born in Barbados. He was prosecuted for falsifying his declaration and was fined £10. He appealed and was granted bail. On the next day he led a march to Government House, demanding to see the Governor. Payne and several others were arrested. On this encounter, he was refused bail. While in custody awaiting trial he was served with a deportation order.

Payne was unrepresented at his trial because he was unable to pay his lawyer, Grantley Adams his fees. To save the day, his followers took up a collection raising the money to pay Adams to represent Payne at the appeal. The appeal, heard on 26 July, was successful.  However, Payne was not released from custody. During the night, he was placed aboard a schooner and deported to Trinidad. In Trinidad, the police arrested him on a charge of possessing prohibited literature. The Barbardian public were angered by Payne's deportation. On the night of 27 July 1937, a large crowd was prompted by his principal supporters to riot in the city:

Shop windows were smashed, cars were pushed into the sea, passers by were attacked, police patrols, caught unarmed and unawares, fled beneath a hail of bottles and stones. During the next days. 'trouble' spread to the rural parishes where cars were stoned on the highways.  The hungry poor broke into shops and raided sweet potato fields. Shops remained closed, and work in both town and country came to a standstill.

On 28 July the lightermen came out on strike. Although they resumed work on 4 August when their demands were met, there were sporadic strikes and threats of strikes in other work places. The Government was ruthlessly in suppressing the general unrest. They issued firearms to the police.

The final toll was 14 dead, 47 injured and more than 500 arrested. Payne's principal supporters were accused of creating "discontent and disaffection among His Majesty's subjects" and of promoting "ill-will and hostility between different classes".  They were prosecuted for sedition. Grant and Skeete were sentenced to ten years imprisonment, Lovell and Alleyne to five years. Chase, who was charged with inciting the crowd to riot, with the words: "tonight will be a funny day".  He was sentenced to imprisonment for nine months.

Rebellion in Trinidad & Tobago

The report of the Wages Board, appointed by the Government of Trinidad & Tobago in 1935, was a great disappointment to the workers. The members of the Board had been required to draw up a Cost of Living Index and, possibly as a result of the report, no legal minimum wage had been established. As one observer commented, the Board "by using questionable indices for assessing the real needs ... , gave the impression that few workers were being paid substandard wages". The signing of the report by Captain Cipriani in 1936, led to most workers loosing confidence in him and the Trinidad Labour Party (TLP).

In September 1936 Uriah Butler a Grenadian born resident in Trinidad severed his relationship with Cipriani's TLP  and launched his own organisation. On 19 June, 1937, after the company had failed to answer his demands for wage increases, Butler called a strike of oil workers at the Forest Reserve premises of Trinidad Leaseholds Limited. A warrant was issued for Butler's arrest for calling for the strike. An attempt to arrest him while he was addressing a public meeting was made impossible by the crowd. An unpopular police Corporal Chalie King, was beaten, soaked with paraffin and burned to death. Another policeman was also killed. Butler went into hiding

The strike spead across the oilfields. Within weeks, Trinidad was paralysed by a general strike. The Port Of Spain Gazette, reported the strike as a situation, "which assumed a proportion previously unknown in the history of labour agitation". A state of emergency was declared.  Two British warships arrived in the island's harbour on 22 and 23 June 1936. Marines and sailors were reinforced by  thirteen police officers from England and two from Ireland. Trinidad Infantry Volunteers and the Trinidad Light Horse - were similary mobilised. A number Butler's supprters were arrested and imprisoned,  Butler was arrested in September and sentenced to two years imprisonment for sedition.

The admission by Governor, Sir Murchison Fletcher, and the Colonial Secretary, Howard Nankivel, that wages were too low and that the employers in the oil and sugar industries and the Government had an obligation to ensure that workers were treated fairly and properly remunerated, helped to restore calm on the island.  The principal share-holders were able to lobby the British |Government the removal of the Governor and the Colonial Secretary.

Rebellion in Jamaica

In 1937, the hurricane of rebellion ignited by the peasants farmersand landless agricultural workers swept across Clarendon in central Jamaica. Robert E Rumble, a coach builder and wheelwright, formed the Poor Man's Improvement and Land Settlement Association. With a membership of 800 organised a petition on 23 April 1938  to the Governor which carried the following statement:

"We are the Sons of Slaves who have been paying rent to the Landlords for fully many decades we want better wages, we have been exploited for years and we are looking to you to help us. We want a Minimum Wage Law. We want freedom in this the hundredth year of our Emancipation. We are still economic slaves, burdened in paying rent to Landlords who are sucking out our vitalities." Please note that in 1938 a former farm worker turned millwright was advocating for a Minimum Wage Law in Jamaica.  These people excercised a unique sense of Justice and fair play for better working conditions. These debate took place in 1938. 

The differences are that the British National Minimum Wage did not come into effect until 1999 to the benefit of pay to over million workers. In 1990 the argument against British National Minimum Wage was its assumed impact of increasing un-employment as argued by Alan Walters – Mrs Thatcher’s economic guru.  He wrote that it was ‘utter nonsense’ to argue that jobs might not be lost. We have to note however, that there is always a bias towards the entitlement of the rich as demonstrated by the billions of ponds paid to intelligent bankers who supposedly lost £183 billions pounds, yet strenious aguments are put against any claim by the working class an increase to their basic meagre wage of less than £4 per hour.   Hunte in his hypothesis argued for "equal rights to education and to participate equallly in the creation of the wealth of the nation."  Alan Walters  had failed to recognise Hunte's vision in which a ound living wage would geneate a fel good factor which alleviate the need to strike because as consumers they would have sufficient disposable income to happily spend on goods and services they need. The evidence from over 25 British studies supports the conclusion that the minimum wage has not had an adverse impact on jobs:

  1. Aggregate employment has continued its upward trend so that there are now over 30 million jobs in the economy.
  2. The share of total employment accounted for by the low paying sectors – retail, hospitality, cleaning, agriculture, security, textiles, clothing, hairdressing – is 26%

Who was ahead of the game in visualising the role of a minimum wage in growing an economy. Children of former slaves advocated in 1938 for minimum wage; whilst the Government of Britain saw the value of the minimum wage in 1999.   The agitation driven by Rumble and his organisation; for land for the peasants, and for better wages for agricultural workers led to the refusal to pay any more rent to landlords who had used the gun to decimate the Maroon population to seize the land. Land less and  hungry people were seizing estate lands because they believed that Queen Victoria had changed her mind and promised that the slaves who had got nothing at the time of the abolition of slavery would inherit the land.

At the end of December 1937 workers on Serge Island Estate in St Thomas, refused to harvest the crop at the rates of pay offered. Police were rushed to the area and, on 4 January, 1938, they reported that some 400  strikers had forced others to cease work. Sixty-three of the strikers were arrested and, over a period of three days from 13 January, were tried before the Resident Magistrate. Three "ring-leaders" were sentenced to one month's imprisonment with hard labour, 7 were fined £2 and 11 were fined 21/- each with the alternative in default of payment of 30 and 21 days imprisonment respectively. 45 others were admonished and discharged.

Four people were killed that day, three by police gunshot and one by a police bayonet. On 4 May the Gleaner reported that "the known cases of persons suffering from wounds has not exceeded twenty-five, the arrests up to yesterday afternoon reached 96  But the wounded may have been more numerous as there was a widespread belief that anyone who sought medical treatment would be thereby identifying himself as a participant and inviting arrest. On 13 May the first batch of 27 of the 109 strikers arrested was rushed to trial before the Resident Magistrate at Savanna la Mar, charged with "riotous assembly". The sentences ranged from 30 days to 1 year's imprisonment.

At the same time the Governor Sir Edward Brandis Denham, 24 October 1934–2 June 1938 appointed a Commission to enquire into the disorders. The events at Frome had an electrifying effect. There were demonstrations of unemployed workers in Kingston, the capital. Waterfront workers in Kingston put forward demands for wage increases and, at the end of the second week of May, came out on strike. On 23 May many other workers in the city struck work and work in the city came to a halt, all the major stores were forced to put up their shutters by marching workers.

On 24 May, the Governor ordered the arrest of William Alexander Bustamante who later became Prime Minister of Jamaica.  He was a popular figure who organised public protest meetings and wrote letters to the British Members of Parliament outling the distressing economic conditions in the island. Bail was refused when Bustamante and St William Grant were arrested. The refusal to grant them bail was the spark which fired rebellion in a combination of strikes and riots.

To avoid further destruction of property the Government agreed to allow Bustamante and Grant to be bailed.  By that time however the spirit of revolt had spread throughout the island and strikes and demonstrations were occurring in every parish. This situation continued for many weeks, despite the use of the battalion of British troops stationed on the island to supplement the police. Workers were killed and injured and many arrests took place.

Calm was restored in June, as a consequence of detante between Bustamante and the Government in which the following agreements emerged:

  1. The government would recognise the Trade Union established by Bustamante;
  2. That the much respected barrister N W Manley would be allowed to make proper representation on behalf of the workers;
  3. The announcement on 14 June that a Royal Commission would be arriving shortly to investigate social and enconomic conditions; 
  4. Expectations were high because of the belief that the Commission would cause employers to improve pay and conditions; and
  5. On 28 June Acting Governor Woolley had announced in the Legislative Council that two loans would be raised to finance land settlements and other infrastructural developments.

Rebellion in Guyana

Between January and September in 1938 there were over thirty disputes involving over 12,000 workers without the support the Man Power Citizens Association, the trade union which had been formed in 1936, but not recognised by the Sugar Producers Association.

While the the West India Royal Commission were in Guyana taking evidence in February 1939, the workers at Leonora Plantation went on strike. On 16 February, between 70 and 100 field workers persuaded the factory workers to join them. This peace strike was aroused to riotous proportions when armed police arrived and arrested five of the strikers.  The police were pelted with stones. 

The police drove the strikers back with fixed bayonets and a police car was damaged and its occupants injured. The police fired on the crowd, killing four and four others were admitted to hospital with bullet wounds. In all twenty-three were injured. On 2 March 1939, in a move to diffuse the rising discontent, the Sugar Producers Association agreed to recognise the MPCA as the bargaining agent of the workers. The Government appointed a Commission of Enquiry into the events that had occurred at Leonora.
 
The West India Royal Commission

The decision of the British Government to appoint the West India Royal Commission was a response to the cumulative effect of the labour rebellions in the region. The Secretary of State for the Colonies defined the impact the enquiry would have on the people of the British Caribbean:

"An early announcement that a Royal Commission was to visit the Islands would have a good psychological effect in these Colonies. It would tend to reassure their people that we here are keenly interested in their affairs, and anxious to do what we can to help, and it would therefore tend to calm excited feelings there."

The Commissioners took written and oral evidence in London and in the colonies in November 1938.  Their report wa finalised on 21 December 1939 and Britain was then at war with Germany.  The conditions of poverty had been brutal and caused such deprivation that Britain's Colonial Mangers should have ben charged with murder. 

Conclusion

The labour rebellions of the 1930s have clearly demonstrated Britain's readines to use 'its military might' to force people of African Heritage to work poverty was. An analysis of the study rebellions in the British Caribbean can be summarised as a structured condition in which wealth is hoarded by the powerful against the powerless. In this narrative which highlights a structure of deprivation, the British exercised a popesity to kill those who chose to go on strike for better working conditions. It shows that during the period of Colonialism nothing had significantly changed from the era of slavery. Africans were never certain to live through a day.  The principal difference between the formation of trade unions in the Caribbean an those on UK soil was the readiness of the British to kill those of African Heritage who dared to say 'No' to beng made to work for stavation wages whilst the Slavers used the wealth to build great houses in the UK.  History has therfore confirmed that th stones of all those great houses were cemeted with the blood of Africans.  Killing Africans became a past-time for which no one except       builimmediate benefit that the workers derived from the rebellions was that they forced upon the Royal Commission, and through its recommendations the British Government, a realisation of the need to bring trade union legislation in all the colonies into line with legislation in Britain.

Trade Unions were made lawful in those colonies where they had previously been unlawful. In all the colonies legislation was amended or introduced making peaceful picketing of employers' premises lawful and giving trade unionists immunity from actions for breach of contract as a result of strikes. The organisation of trade unions followed in all the colonies and the foundations were laid for the modern trade union movements, which continue to contribute to the struggle for an improved standard of living.

In the 1930s rebellions were spontaneous . There were no advance planning. Both the leaders and participants who emerged had premeditated objectives. Comming out of the depravity of slavery, they wanted a better quality. They had watched how the white people who had abused and murdered their kindred lived in great houses. They did not hae any weapons to support any revolutionary demands, to survive the made none. They were shot and killed by the police for refusing to working for meagre wages. White managers had the authority murder them and yet recieve protection for the police. In the Caribbean th police were the vanguard of the abusive colonialists. Police whether black or white represent the enactment of dominance. We have never know justice at the hands of the police. In the Caribbean the shot us for saying 'No'  to colonial dominance, and in Britain the police went 'nigger hunting' in their quest to brutalise us.  When abuse become an art form for those with demonic tendencies then it is time to bond together to say, 'No'.







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